Delivered on the WhatsApp Microblog of the Communist University of South Africa on November 30, 2024, By Booker Omole, General Secretary of the Communist Party Marxist (CPM) Kenya

When I shared an irrefutable defence of Democratic Centralism via this link Here is a shorter version of the link: http://bit.ly/3B4K6A1 the Vice Chancellor responded with the following:

“Democratic Centralism has nothing to do with revolution. Please, Comrade Booker, spare us your sermons. In this Communist University, we do not launch ourselves in this way. We post texts so that we have a common basis for discussion, and then we discuss around such texts. We do not launch ourselves as if into a boxing ring and defy anyone to challenge us. We are not here to conquer. You will not get any such satisfaction here. Your writing is intemperate to the point of self-parody. You are ridiculous, Comrade Booker.”

Such remarks not only dismiss the revolutionary essence of Democratic Centralism but also reveal a disdain for principled ideological debate and a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of a communist vanguard.

When I first read his texts, my immediate reaction was: This reflects the muddled mindset of the bourgeois intellectual. To seek knowledge is to pursue the correct theory of knowledge. A Communist University must adopt the correct understanding that all knowledge originates from social practice and direct experience. To study endlessly without applying knowledge in practice is a futile academic exercise, akin to the sterile intellectualism characteristic of bourgeois processes.

Turning to Tweedie’s critique of Democratic Centralism, it is among the most pretentious, revisionist pieces I have encountered—childish in its approach and thoroughly hollow in its essence. It serves only to reveal the emptiness of bourgeois intellectualism and to expose its author as an enemy within the working-class movement.

In sharing his text, Tweedie added the following commentary:

“This is a good time to remind SACP comrades preparing for the Special National Congress that is due to start in about two weeks from now, that in a pre-congress period you are duty- bound to apply your minds to the discussion documents and actually to discuss them. Rubber- stamping anonymously written documents is not democratic centralism or any kind of democracy at all, but instead it is mere ritual.”

This statement embodies the attitude of a consultant on revolutionary matters—a posture that seeks to guide the vanguard from the sidelines while preserving personal autonomy. This is the hallmark of a stiff bourgeois ideologue attempting to promote anarchy in a party he is not a member of. Such a stance reveals a refusal to immerse oneself fully in the revolutionary struggle, choosing instead to critique from the periphery.

Let us now examine his text, CU ISKRA: On Democratic Centralism.

The text shared by comrade VC clearly attempts to dilute and distort the Marxist-Leninist understanding of democratic centralism. Its arguments blur the qualitative difference between bourgeois democracy and the scientific revolutionary concept of proletarian democracy, rooted in democratic centralism. Let us now look at some of the key points to expose the revisionist approach and reaffirm the most correct Marxist-Leninist position:

1.  Equating Bourgeois Democracy with Democratic Centralism

The text conflates democratic centralism with the electoral mechanisms of bourgeois democracy in countries like the USA and Britain. This false equivalence denies the fundamental distinction between bourgeois democracy—dominated by capitalist class interests—and proletarian democracy, which is guided by the revolutionary principle of advancing the interests of the working class through collective discipline and centralised authority.

The Communist Party Marxist Kenya correct Response:

Bourgeois democracy is a system of governance that perpetuates the dominance of the capitalist class by creating an illusion of mass participation. In contrast, democratic centralism ensures the active participation of the proletariat in decision-making processes while maintaining a unified, disciplined, and centralised organisational structure capable of advancing revolutionary goals. Lenin was explicit in defining democratic centralism as a principle for proletarian organisation, where democracy strengthens unity and centralism ensures execution of the revolutionary program.

2.  Ignoring Qualitative Change in Democracy

The text’s claim that “there is no difference between democratic centralism and democracy in general” fails to acknowledge the qualitative change in democracy under socialism. It reduces the revolutionary concept of proletarian democracy to a mere electoral mechanism akin to bourgeois systems.

The Communist Party Marxist Kenya correct Response:

Democratic centralism represents a higher form of democracy—one where the collective will of the working class is expressed through their Party, which functions as the organised vanguard. Unlike bourgeois systems, which prioritize individualism and factionalism, proletarian democracy is meritocratic, promoting the leadership of the most competent, ideologically advanced, and committed revolutionaries. The principle of democratic centralism ensures unity of purpose and action, eliminating mediocrity that arises from unscientific, populist approaches inherent in bourgeois systems.

3.  Distortion of Lenin’s Legacy

The text misleadingly suggests that democratic centralism lacks a clear definition in Lenin’s works, casting doubt on its scientific basis.

The Communist Party Marxist Kenya correct Response:

This is a blatant revisionist distortion. Lenin articulated democratic centralism as a cornerstone of the Communist Party’s organisation in his seminal works, particularly in “What is to be Done?” and “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back.” Lenin defined it as the synthesis of democracy (free and open discussion within the Party) and centralism (unified action based on majority decisions). This principle is the backbone of the revolutionary struggle, ensuring ideological clarity, operational discipline, and the avoidance of factionalism and opportunism.

4.  Obscuring the Role of Democratic Centralism in Revolutionary Struggle

By reducing democratic centralism to “periodic delegation of authority,” the text strips it of its revolutionary essence. This trivialisation misrepresents it as a mere procedural formality instead of a guiding principle for building a disciplined, revolutionary Party capable of confronting the class enemy.

The Communist Party Marxist Kenya correct Response:

Democratic centralism is indispensable to a Party that seeks to overthrow the bourgeoisie and establish proletarian rule. The principle ensures that revolutionary decisions are informed by the collective wisdom of the masses, debated democratically, and implemented decisively without deviation. It rejects the bourgeois tendency of endless debate and individual dissent that paralyses collective action.

5.  Revisionism as a Danger to Communist Movements

The text’s arguments reflect classic revisionist tendencies: an attempt to dilute revolutionary principles, align them with bourgeois norms, and disarm the working class ideologically.

The Communist Party Marxist Kenya correct Response:

Revisionism is one of the gravest threats to the communist movement. It seeks to replace the scientific clarity of Marxism-Leninism with reformist, opportunistic ideas that serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. The Communist Party must actively expose and combat such distortions, reaffirming its commitment to the principles of democratic centralism as a tool for revolutionary transformation.

In conclusion, the failed attempt by Tweedie to conflate democratic centralism with bourgeois democracy represents a clear revisionist attack on Marxist-Leninist principles. It undermines the revolutionary role of the Communist Party by promoting a false equivalence between systems that serve fundamentally different class interests. As communists, we must expose such distortions, defend the scientific basis of democratic centralism, and uphold its role in ensuring meritocracy, unity, and decisive revolutionary action.